[PLing] INFO: CfP – Workshop at SLE 2026: Constructions with multiple wh-words across languages

[Stefan Michael Newerkla]

Dear colleagues,

Valentina Apresjan, Piotr Sobotka, Mikhail Kopotev and I are preparing a 
workshop proposal for the forthcoming SLE conference, which will take 
place in Osnabrück, Germany, from 26 to 29 August 2026. The workshop is 
entitled */Constructions with multiple wh-words across languages/*.

The Call for Papers is available on the website 
(https://blogs.helsinki.fi/wh-words-cle2026/) and is also included 
below. If you are working on any aspect of multiple-wh words, we warmly 
invite you to submit a 300-word abstract by 5 November 2025.

Best regards,
Piotr, Valentina, Mikhail and Mladen

Subject: Workshop at SLE 2026: *Constructions with multiple wh-words 
across languages*

**

Full Title: *Constructions with multiple wh-words across languages*

Date: 26-Aug-2026 - 29-Aug-2026

Location: Osnabrück, Germany

Contact Person: Valentina Apresjan & Mikhail Kopotev & Piotr Sobotka & 
Mladen Uhlik

Web Site: https://blogs.helsinki.fi/wh-words-CLE2026 
<https://blogs.helsinki.fi/wh-words-CLE2026>

Contact mail: ktokudachego at gmail.com <mailto:ktokudachego at gmail.com>

Linguistic Field(s) / Keywords: semantics, pragmatics, syntax, typology, 
information structure, WH-words

Submission deadline: 5 November 2025

Convenors: Valentina Apresjan (Dartmouth College, USA), Mikhail Kopotev 
(University of Helsinki, Finland / Stockholm University, Sweden), Piotr 
Sobotka (Institute of Slavic Studies, PAS, Poland), Mladen Uhlik (Fran 
Ramovš Institute of the Slovenian Language & University of Ljubljana, 
Slovenia)

*Meeting Description:*

The workshop aims to bring together researchers interested in the 
syntax, semantics, and pragmatics of *constructions with multiple 
wh-words* across languages, which are understood as constructions 
structured with two or more wh-elements that can fulfil different 
functions, and which are typically distributive rather than collective 
(cf. Moravcsik 1978; Haspelmath 1997: 180). In English these 
constructions are represented by interrogatives, such as /Who did what? 
/or /I don’t know who went where. /Constructional patterns 
with//multiple wh-words in different languages have been extensively 
studied, especially from a syntactic perspective, e.g. Rudin (1988), 
Grewendorf (2001), Aoun & Li (2003), Grebenyova (2006), Gruet-Skrabalova 
(2011), Tomaszewicz (2011). Overall, these studies show that multiple 
wh-word constructions vary significantly across languages. While 
previous research has extensively examined *constructions with multiple 
wh-words* from a syntactic perspective, their semantic and pragmatic 
dimensions – particularly in lesser-studied languages – remain 
underexplored. This workshop seeks to bridge this gap by integrating 
insights from typology, semantics, construction grammar and discourse 
analysis.

*Constructions with multiple wh-words* appear in a striking variety of 
formal and functional guises across languages: wh-word reduplication, 
repetition, and combinations of different wh-words, which can cover a 
range of functions, including (indirect) questions, (quasi‑)relatives, 
indefinites, and others, and express a variety of meanings. For 
instance, *reduplication* may signal emphasis or exhaustive listing. In 
colloquial Mandarin, the form /shéi shéi/ ‘who-who’ conveys the meaning 
‘all those who / which ones’ and is typically used in the spoken 
register to inquire about a group rather than a single individual.

(1)

	

Mand. colloq.

	

*/shéi shéi/*

	

/yào/

	

/qù?/

	

	

who-who

	

want, intend to

	

go

	

	

‘Who (all) wants to go?’

In Yiddish, however, wh-reduplication sometimes marks rhetorical 
questions or inferential statements.

(2)

	

Yid.

	

*/vos-vos/*/,/

	

/nor/

	

/araynzogn/

	

/hot/

	

/er/

	

/gekent./

	

	

what-what

	

only.ptcl

	

tell-off.inf

	

have.prs.3sg

	

3sg.m

	

know.ptcp.pst

	

	

‘Well, all he could do was scold someone.’

In Russian, wh-reduplication with adversative markers conveys 
concessiveor contrastive meanings:

(3)

	

Rus.

	

*/kto-kto/*

	

*/a/*

	

/on/

	

/ne/

	

/podvedët/

	

	

who-who

	

but

	

he

	

not

	

let-down.3sg.fut

	

	

‘Other people might but he won’t let (us) down.’

Comparable patterns are attested in other languages as well, though in 
somewhat different forms – for example, cf. Pol. wh/-/pro/ jak/ wh-pro/, 
ale/ (Dobaczewski, Sobotka & Żurowski 2018):

(4)

	

Pol.

	

*/Kto/*

	

*/Jak/*

	

*/kto,/*

	

*/ale/*

	

/pan/

	

/nie/

	

/może/

	

/sobie/

	

/na/

	

/to/

	

/pozwolić./

	

	

who

	

As

	

who

	

but

	

you.nom.sg <http://nom.sg/>

	

not

	

can.prs.3sg

	

oneself

	

on

	

this

	

afford.inf

	

	

‘Of all people, you cannot afford to do that.’

The wh-reduplication can be partial and can take on a non-specific, 
indefinite generalized (5) or free-choice (6) interpretations.

(5)

	

Fin.

	

/Matti/

	

/kerto-i/

	

*/mi-nkä/*

	

*/mitä-kin/*

	

/matkoiltaan./

	

	

Matti

	

tell.pst.3sg

	

what.gen

	

what.part

	

travel.pl.abl.poss

	

	

‘Matti told all sorts of this and that from his travels.’

(6)

	

BCMS

	

/Egipat/

	

/je/

	

/zemlja/

	

/u/

	

/kojoj/

	

/zaista/

	

/možete/

	

	

Egypt

	

be.prs.3sg

	

country

	

in

	

which

	

really

	

can.prs.2pl

	

	

*/štošta/*

	

/vidjeti./

	

	

	

	

	

	

	

what-what

	

see.inf

	

	

	

	

	

	

	

‘Egypt is a country in which you can really see a lot (lit. something).’

Another type of wh-constructions are *combinations of different 
wh-pronouns*, which can occur, for instance, in distributive questions, 
direct (7) or indirect (8).

(7)

	

Sp.

	

/¿Quién/

	

/dijo/

	

/qué?/

	

	

who

	

say.pst.3sg

	

what

	

	

‘Who said what?’

(8)

	

Bel.

	

/Ja/

	

/mnahix/

	

/vedaju/

	

/i/

	

/baču/

	

*/xto/*

	

*/jak/*

	

/buduje./

	

	

1sg

	

many.acc

	

know.prs. 1sg

	

and

	

see.prs. 1sg

	

who

	

how

	

build.prs. 3sg

	

	

‘I know many people and I see how each one builds.’

The linear order of wh-pronouns may vary even between closely related 
languages, as seen in Belarusian (8) vs BCMS (Bosnian, Croatian, 
Montenegrin, Serbian) (9).

(8)

	

BCMS

	

/Mnoge/

	

/znam/

	

/i/

	

/gledam/

	

*/kako/*

	

*/(t)ko/*

	

	

many.acc

	

know.prs.1sg

	

and

	

see.prs.1sg

	

how

	

who.nom

	

	

/gradi./

	

	

	

	

	

	

	

build.prs. 3sg

	

	

	

	

	

	

	

‘I know many people and I see how each one builds.’

Combinations of different wh-words can also appear in quasi-relative 
constructions, as illustrated in the following Polish (9) and German 
(10) examples:

(9)

	

Pol.

	

/Przynieśli/,

	

*/co/*

	

*/kto/*

	

/mógł./

	

	

bring.pst.3pl

	

what

	

who

	

can.pst.3sg

	

	

‘They brought whatever they could’.

(10)

	

Ger.

	

*/Wer/*

	

*/wen/*

	

/sieht//,/

	

/der/

	

/soll/

	

/es/

	

/melden./

	

	

who.nom

	

who.acc

	

see.prs.3sg

	

that

	

shall

	

3sg.n

	

report.inf

	

	

‘Whoever sees whom should report it.’

In some languages, these constructions are highly idiomatic and exhibit 
language-specific semantic and pragmatic properties. For example, in 
Slavic languages, apart from interrogative and relative, combinations of 
different wh-words have other functions. They can be fully lexicalized, 
as in Ukrainian *indefinite*s /dexto, dejaki /‘some people, lit. where 
who, where what kind of’ or BCMS *free choice* /gdjekoji /‘an occasional 
one, lit. where which’.

They can develop into syntactic phrasemes with restricted collocational 
properties and lexicalized interpretations, such as Russian /kto kuda 
/‘different people went in different directions, lit. who where’ or 
/komu kak /‘different people have different opinions/tastes, lit. to 
whom how’ (cf. Apresjan & Kopotev 2022). Such constructions are attested 
in many Slavic and Finno-Ugric languages, Turkish, Hindi, as well as in 
Baltic languages, cf. (11) and (12):

(11)

	

Fin.

	

/Kaikki/

	

/piiloutuivat/

	

/nopeasti/

	

*/kuka/*

	

*/mihinkin./*

	

	

all

	

hide.3pl.pst

	

quickly

	

who.nom

	

whatever.ill

	

	

‘Everyone hid quickly, each to their own place’

(12)

	

Lith.

	

/Berniukai/

	

/išlakstė/

	

*/kas/*

	

*/kur/**/./*

	

	

boys.nom.pl <http://nom.pl/>

	

out-run-iter-pst.3pl

	

who.nom

	

where

	

	

‘The guys scattered in all directions.’

Although considerably less frequent, these constructions may contain 
more than two wh-words:

(13)

	

Rus.

	

/V/

	

/portu/

	

/pokupali/

	

/rybu/

	

/doski/

	

/prjanosti/

	

/v/

	

	

in

	

port.LOC

	

buy.PST.PL <http://buy.pst.pl/>

	

fish.ACC

	

boards.ACC

	

spices.ACC

	

to

	

	

/London,/

	

/Egipet,/

	

/Indiju /

	

*/komu/*

	

*/kuda/*

	

*/čego/**/./*

	

	

	

London.ACC

	

Egypt.ACC

	

India.ACC

	

who.DAT

	

to-where

	

what.GEN

	

	

	

‘In the port they bought fish, boards, spices to London, Egypt, India — 
in short, who where what’

We propose the following questions for discussion:

●What semantic, syntactic, and pragmatic factors underlie the 
restrictions on wh-variables and their possible pairings in 
polypronominal wh-constructions, especially in their distributive readings?

●Under what semantic and pragmatic conditions are such constructions 
licensed in discourse, and what communicative functions do they perform 
across languages?

●What syntactic positions can these constructions occupy within the 
clause, and how do they interact with the valency requirements of the 
predicate (if present)?

●How do frequency, idiomatization and formulaicity influence the 
grammatical status of these constructions across different languages?

●What are the historical sources of such constructions (e.g. indirect 
questions > quasi-relatives > distributives), and what 
grammaticalization paths can be identified cross-linguistically?

●Can we detect areal or genealogical patterns in the distribution and 
structure of these constructions, and what do such patterns reveal about 
contact-induced change versus independent development?

●How do polypronominal distributive constructions compare with other 
distributive strategies (lexical, morphological, or clausal) 
cross-linguistically?

*Call for Papers:*

We welcome submissions that employ a range of theoretical frameworks, 
including but not limited to Construction Grammar, formal semantic and 
pragmatic analyses, corpus-based studies, cross-linguistic typological 
comparisons. We are particularly interested in studies that combine 
theoretical analysis with empirical data from diverse languages, using 
methodologies such as corpus linguistics, experimental pragmaticsand 
comparative linguistics.

If you wish to participate in this workshop, please send your abstract 
of max. 300 words (including examples and excluding references) to the 
following email address (ktokudachego at gmail.com) by *November 5th 2025*.

*Key dates for workshop proposals and abstracts*

  * 5 Nov 2025 – Deadline for submitting the 300-word abstracts
  * 15 Dec 2025 – Decision on acceptance/rejection of workshop proposals
    by the SLE committee
  * 15 Jan 2026 – Deadline for submitting all abstracts (including
    workshop papers) via EasyChair
  * 31 Mar 2026 – Notification of acceptance/rejection of abstracts

Details: SLE 2026 Conference Website 
<https://societaslinguistica.eu/sle2026/>

*References*

Apresjan, Valentina & Mikhail Kopotev. 2022. Avtonomnye distributivnye 
konstrukcii s voprositel’no-odnositel’nymi mestoimenijami v russkom 
jazyke [Autonomous bi‑pronominal distributive constructions in Russian]. 
/Voprosy jazykoznanija/ 4. 115–142.

Aoun, Joseph E., & Li, Yen-hui Audrey. 2003. /Essays on the 
Representational and Derivational Nature of Grammar: The Diversity of 
Wh-Constructions/. Cambridge, MA/London: MIT Press.

Dobaczewski, Adam, Piotr Sobotka & Sebastian Żurowski. 2018. /Słownik 
reduplikacji i powtórzeń polskich: Od zleksykalizowanych podwojeń do 
regularnych układów repetycyjnych/ [Dictionary of Polish reduplication 
and repetition: From lexicalized doublets to regular repetitive 
patterns]. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika.

Grebenyova, Lydia. 2006. /Multiple Interrogatives: Syntax, Semantics, 
and Learnability/. PhD Dissertation, University of Maryland.

Grewendorf, Günther. 2001. Multiple /Wh-/Fronting. /Linguistic 
Inquiry/ 32(1). 87–122.

Gruet-Skrabalova, Hana. 2011. /Czech questions with two wh-words./ In 
Peter Kosta & Lilia Schürcks (eds.), /Formalization of Grammar in Slavic 
Languages/, 179-192. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.

Haspelmath, Martin. 1997. /Indefinite pronouns/ (Oxford studies in 
typology and linguistic theory). Oxford/New York: Clarendon Press — 
Oxford University Press.

Moravcsik, Edith. 1978. Reduplicative Constructions. In Joseph H. 
Greenberg, Charles A. Ferguson & Edith A. Moravcsik (eds.), /Universals 
of Human Language/, vol. 3: /Word Structure/, 297–334. Stanford: 
Stanford University Press.

Rudin, Catherine. 1988. On multiple questions and multiple WH fronting. 
/Natural Language & Linguistic Theory/ 6. 445–501.

Tomaszewicz, Barbara. 2011. Against Spurious Coordination in Multiple 
Wh-questions. In Mary Byram Washburn et al., /Proceedings of the 28th 
West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics/, 186-195. Somerville, MA: 
Cascadilla Proceedings Project.

Valentina, Mikhail and Mladen
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