[PLing] Worksop in Graz: Exploring Verbal Paradigms: Confronting Arabic and Slavic Languages in Tense and Aspect Realization

[Marko Simonovic]

Dear PLINGs,


*Everyone is cordially invited to the workshop **Exploring Verbal
Paradigms: Confronting Arabic and Slavic Languages in Tense and Aspect
Realization*



*Workshop title*: Exploring Verbal Paradigms: Confronting Arabic and Slavic
Languages in Tense and Aspect Realization



*When*: 06.03. 2024, 14:00-16:50



*Where*: UR 33.1.224 (0033010224)
<https://online.uni-graz.at/kfu_online/ris.ris?corg=14136&pQuellGeogrBTypNr=5&pZielGeogrBTypNr=5&pZielGeogrBerNr=6490001&pRaumNr=108200&pActionFlag=A&pShowEinzelraum=J>,
Merangasse 70/I



*Format*: 30 minutes talk, 10 minutes discussion



*Program*:



14:00-14:40 *Aspectual composition in the Arabic imperfective*

                         Peter Halmann, University of Vienna



14:40-15:20 *Selection and structural complexity of Tunisian imperfective
verb forms*

Margherita Pallottino, University of Geneva



15:20-15:30 *Break*



15:30-16:10 *Three layers of Slavic aspect*

Stefan Milosavljević, University of Graz



16:10-16:50 *Effects of aspectual marking on mood interpretation in BCMS*

Boban Arsenijević, University of Graz



*Abstracts*:



*Aspectual composition in the Arabic imperfective*

Peter Hallman, University of Vienna

The Standard Arabic imperfective verb form has three “moods”, called
“indicative”, “subjunctive”, and “jussive”. The indicative conveys the two
meanings typically associated with imperfectivity cross-linguistically,
namely the progressive and habitual aspects, but the other two moods are harder
to pin down semantically. In this talk, I present evidence that the
subjunctive corresponds to the English infinitive and has no meaning of its
own. Rather, in the subjunctive form, the lexical aspect of the underlying
verb shines through. I claim that the indicative mood also has no meaning
of its own, but only applies to verb phrases that are aspectually stative.
In order for an eventive verb to be put in the indicative, then, it must
first be stativized by a null habitual or progressive operator, explaining
the morphological uniformity of habitual and progressive aspects in Arabic
and potentially cross-linguistically. I will have less to say about the
jussive, but suggest that it bears a closer resemblance to the subjunctive
than to the indicative and may be an allomorph of it.



*Selection and structural complexity of Tunisian imperfective verb forms.*

Margherita Pallottino, University of Geneva

Tunisian Arabic, like other Arabic varieties, has two inflected paradigms
generally referred to as "perfective" and "imperfective." Tunisian
imperfective forms lack specific temporal or aspectual features; they
appear in a wide range of main and embedded sentences, overlapping with
forms expressing indicative, subjunctive, infinitive, and gerund moods
cross-linguistically. In this talk, I will argue that this
polyfunctionality arises because Tunisian morphologically imperfective
verbs project a functional domain of variable complexity. By examining the
properties of their selecting elements and their temporal interpretation, I
will show that imperfective verbs in Tunisian can project CP structures,
AspP embedded sentences, and simple vP structures, but they cannot project
bare TPs. Tunisian illustrates that no lexical head selects a bare TP, and,
therefore, the presence of a TP domain and a CP are mutually entailed, a
principle that could potentially hold true also beyond this language.



*Three layers of Slavic aspect*

Stefan Milosavljević, University of Graz

I argue for a tripartite model of Slavic aspect (and possibly aspect more
generally). Telicity, understood as atomicity, is computed in the
Q(uantity)P(hrase) right above the verbalizing vP. Just like in Germanic or
Romance languages, it is licensed by bounded constituents that measure out
the event (direct objects, small clauses, durative adverbials). Atelicity
on this view amounts to the absence of QP. Slavic prefixes are argued to
merge in the number phrase that takes QP as its argument, licensing
singularity (number can also be valued as plural or mass). The third
aspectual layer, grammatical aspect, is hosted above the domain of number
(in AspP), and is responsible for introducing the reference time and its
relation to the event time. In at least some Slavic languages, it is marked
by forms such as the Aorist, the Imperfectum or the Perfect.



*Effects of aspectual marking on mood interpretation in
Bosnian/Croatian/Montenegrin/Serbian*

Boban Arsenijević, University of Graz

The talk is an empirical overview of a range of effects the Slavic
aspectual class, i.e. perfective vs. imperfective verbs, but also verb form
aspect, have in the area of mood. One dimension involved is that of aspect
marking, ranging from the verb class, verb form, i.e. traditional tense
inflection, to complex structures consisting of auxiliaries and
morphological verb forms. The other dimension is that between veridical and
non-veridical meanings. A general tendency may be observed that the
introduction of perfectivity taken in a broad sense universally shifts the
meaning towards non-veridical. Some preliminary speculations are offered
about how these effects are obtained.
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